单词 | 谓语 |
释义 | 〔what〕Whenwhat is the subject of a clause, it may be construed as singular or plural, depending on the sense.It is singular when taken as the equivalent ofthat which or the thing which, as inI see what seems to be a dead tree; and it is plural when it is taken as the equivalent ofthose which or the things which, as inHe sometimes makes what seem to be gestures of aloofness. ? When awhat clause is itself the subject of a sentence, it may be construed as singular or plural,but the conditions governing this choice are somewhat more complicated.In general, awhat clause will be taken as a plural when the clause contains an explicit indication of its own plurality. There are two principal cases.First, the clause is plural ifwhat is the subject of the clause and the verb of the clause is itself plural: What seem to be two dead trees are blocking the road. What most surprise me are the inflammatory remarks at the end of his article. If the verb in thewhat clause does not anticipate the plural sense of the predicate in this way, a singular verb is generally used in the main clause as well,though the plural is sometimes found:What truly commands respect is (sometimes are ) a large navy and a resolute foreign policy. Second, thewhat clause is treated as plural when its predicate contains a plural noun phrase that unambiguously establishes the plurality of the clause as a whole, as inWhat traditional grammarians called "predicates" are called "verb phrases" by modern linguists. What the Romans established as military outposts were later to become important trading centers. In the absence of explicit plural marking of either of these types in a subjectwhat clause, the clause is usually treated as singular for the purposes of agreement, regardless of the sense:What she held in her lap was four kittens. What the apparent diamonds turned out to be was paste. In some cases, however, a clause withwhat as the subject may be treated as singular or plural, depending on a subtle distinction of sense. InWhat excite him most are money and power, the implication is that money and power are distinct elements; inWhat excites him most is money and power, the implication is that money and power are taken as constituting a single entity.See Usage Note at which 当what 作为从句中的主语时, 它既可被当作单数也可以为复数,这取决于词义。当被看作是that which 或 the thing which 时它就是单数, 如在I see what seems to be a dead tree(我看到个象棵死树的物体)” 这句话中; 当它被用作those which 或 the things which 的对应词时它是复数, 如在He sometimes makes what seem to be gestures of aloofness(他有时做一些似乎很超然的手势) 中。 当what 从句本身是句子的主语时, 它可被当作单数或复数,但决定这种选择的条件略为复杂些。总体上说,what 从句的含有对其数性明确指示时,它就可以将当作复数。 这有两种最主要的情况:首先,如果what 是从句的主语而该从句的谓语动词本身是复数,从句就是复数: What seem to be two dead trees are blocking the road.(象两棵死树的物体挡着路); What mostsurprise me are the inflammatory remarks at the end of his article.(最令我吃惊的是他文章结尾处的煽动性言词) 。 如果what 从句的谓语动词并不预示谓语是复数, 主句中通常也用单数动词,尽管有时也可以发现有复数:What truly commands respect is(有时 are ) a large navy and a resolute foreign policy(真正博得尊敬的是强大的海军和坚定的外交政策) ; 其次what 从句在其谓语含有复数名词短语,并且其明显可建立整个从句的复数性时是被当作复数的, 如在What traditional grammarians called "predicates" are called "verb phrases" by modern linguists.(那些传统语法家所称为“谓语”的则被现代语言学家称作“动词短语”) What the Romans established as military outpostswere later to become important trading centers.(那些罗马人设为军事前哨基地的地方后来成为了重要的贸易中心)。 当what 从句主语缺乏这两类明确表示复数性的标记时, 从句通常为了一致性而不顾及词义地被当作单数:What she held in her lap was four kittens.(她抱在膝盖上的是四只小猫)。 What the apparent diamonds turned out to bewas paste.(那些看上去象真的钻石结果却是人造宝石) 。 然而,在一些情况下,以what 作主语的从句可被当单数或复数,取决于语义上微妙的差异。 在What excite him most are money and power(最让他兴奋的是金钱和权力), 这句话中暗含着金钱和权力是不同的成分; 在What excites him most is money and power(最让他兴奋的是金钱和权力), 这句话中暗含着金钱和权力是作为构成一个单一整体的成分 参见 which〔sentence〕A grammatical unit that is syntactically independent and has a subject that is expressed or, as in imperative sentences, understood and a predicate that contains at least one finite verb.句子:句法上独立的语法单位,它有一个需要表达、或理解的主语和一个包含至少一个限定动词的谓语,如在祈使句中〔sorites〕A form of argument in which a series of incomplete syllogisms is so arranged that the predicate of each premise forms the subject of the next until the subject of the first is joined with the predicate of the last in the conclusion.复合三段论:连锁推理、连锁诡辩论形式,其中一系列不完整的演绎推理是按如下方法安排的:每一前提的谓语项形成下一前提的主语,直到第一个前提的主语与最后结论的前提的谓语项连结起来为止〔than〕Since the 18th centurygrammarians have insisted thatthan should be regarded as a conjunction in all its uses, so that a sentence such asBill is taller than Tom should be construed as an elliptical version of the sentence Bill is taller than Tom is. According to this view,the case of a pronoun followingthan is determined by whether the pronoun serves as the subject or object of the verb that is "understood.” Thus, the standard rule requiresPat is taller than I (not me ) on the assumption that this sentence is elliptical forPat is taller than I am but allowsThe news surprised Pat more than me, since this sentence is taken as elliptical forThe news surprised Pat more than it surprised me. However,than is quite commonly treated as a preposition when followed by an isolated noun phrase, and as such occurs with a pronoun in the objective case:John is taller than me. Though this usage is still widely regarded as incorrect,it is predominant in speechand has reputable literary precedent.It is also consistent with the fact thatthan is clearly treated as a preposition in the than whom construction, as ina poet than whom (not than who ) no one has a dearer place in the hearts of his countrymen. Still, the writer who risks a sentence such asMary is taller than him in formal writing must be prepared to defend the usage against objections of critics who are unlikely to be dissuaded from their conviction that the usage is incorrect. · Comparatives usingas . . . as can be analyzed in a parallel way to those using than. Traditional grammarians insist thatI am not as tall as he is the only correct form, and though both literary precedent and syntactic arguments can be marshaled in support of the analysis of the secondas as a preposition (which would license I am not as tall as him ), one should treat this use ofas as a conjunction in formal writing. See Usage Note at as 1自18世纪以来,语法学家坚持以为than 在其所有用法中均应被看作连词, 因此,在诸如Bill is taller than Tom 的句子中应解释为句子 Bill is taller than Tom is 的省略说法。 根据这一观点,than 后跟随代词的情况取决于该代词作为所“理解”的动词的主语还是谓语。 这样,标准规则要求Pat is taller than I (而不是 me ), 考虑到这个句子是Pat is taller than I am 的省略, 但允许The news surprised Pat more than me , 因为这个句子被认当是The news surprised Pat more than it surprised me 的省略。 然而,当than 跟随一个独立名词短语时常被看作是介词, 如代词用于宾语的情况:John is taller than me 。 尽管这种用法仍然被广泛认为是错误的,但它仍在口语中占主要地位,并且有著名的文学先例。它也符合than 在 than whom 结构中显然被认为是介词的事实, 就象在a poet than whom (而不是 than who ) no one has a dearer place in the hearts of his countrymen 。 然而,冒险在正式写作中应用诸如Mary is taller than him 的作者必须准备针对那些不可能被劝服放弃坚信这种用法是错误的批评家们的反对意见而对此种用法进行辩护。 用比较级as…as 可以用与 than 相同的方式进行分析。 传统的语法学家坚持认为I am not as tall as he 是唯一正确的形式, 尽管文学先例和语法规则都能支持第二个as 作为介词(即允许 I am not as tall as him )的分析, 我们仍应该把这个as 作为正式写作中的连词 参见 as1〔apart〕Set apart; isolated. Used after a noun or in the predicate:分离的;隔离的:分离的;隔离的。用于名词后或谓语中:〔be〕Traditional grammar requires the nominative form of the pronoun in the predicate of the verbbe : It is I (not me ); That must be they (not them ), and so forth. Even literate speakers of Modern English have found the rule difficult to conform to,but the stigmatization ofIt is me is by now so deeply lodged among the canons of correctness that there is little likelihood that the construction will ever be entirely acceptable in formal writing.Adherence to the traditional rule in informal speech, however, has come to sound increasingly pedantic,and begins to sound absurd when the verb is contracted, as inIt's we. · The traditional rule creates particular problems when the pronoun followingbe also functions as the object of a verb or preposition in a relative clause, as in It is not them/they that we have in mind when we talk about "crime in the streets" nowadays, where the plural pronoun serves as both the predicate ofis and the object of have. In this example, 57 percent of the Usage Panel preferred the nominative formthey, 33 percent preferred the accusativethem, and 10 percent accepted both versions.But H.W. Fowler, like other authorities, argued that the use of the nominative here is an error caused by "the temptation . . . to assume, perhaps from hearingIt is me corrected to It is I, that a subjective [nominative] case cannot be wrong after the verb to be. ” Writers can usually find a way to avoid this problem: They are not the ones we have in mind, We have someone else in mind, and so on. See Usage Note at I 1we 传统语法要求系动词谓语中的代词用主格形式be : It is I (而不是 me ); That must be they (而不是 them ),等等。 即使现代英语有文化的人也发现很难遵守这个规则,而It is me 的烙印现在已深刻地印入了判断是否正确的准则之中, 以致很少有可能使这种用法在正式书面语中被完全接受。但是在非正式讲话中奉行传统规则已经日益变得象在卖弄学问。并且当系动词被缩减时,就象在It's we 中一样,听起来反而象是不合语法的。 当代词跟在be 后面做动词宾语或做关系从句中的介语宾语时,传统的规则就象在 当我们谈到当今“街上的犯罪”时,他们不是我们心中所想的那些人, 句中复数代词同时充当is 的宾语和 have 的宾语。 在这个例子中57%的用法使用小组更喜欢用主格形式they, 33%更喜欢用宾格形式them, 而10%则两种都接受。但是象其他的权威一样,H.W.福勒争论道,在这里用主格是一个错误,它之所以错是因为“多半听到了It is me 都被改正成 It is I 而拿不定主意,以为主格的情况在动词 to be 后面不可能错。” 作家们常常能够找到一个办法来避免这个问题: 他们不是我们所想的人,我们脑子里想的是另一些人等等 参见 I1we〔man〕Traditionally,man and words derived from it have been used generically to designate any or all of the human race irrespective of sex.In Old Englishthis was the principal sense ofman, which meant "a human being" regardless of sex;the wordswer and wyf (or w÷pman and wifman ) were used to refer to "a male human being" and "a female human being" respectively. But in Middle Englishman displaced wer as the term for "a male human being,”whilewyfman (which evolved into present-day woman ) was retained for "a female human being.” The result of these changes was an assymetrical arrangement that many criticize as sexist.Many writers have revised some of their practices accordingly.But the precise implications of the usage vary according to the context and the particular use ofman or its derivatives. · Man sometimes appears to have the sense of "person" or "people" when it is used as a count noun, as inA man is known by the company he keeps and Men have long yearned to unlock the secrets of the atom, and in phrases likethe common man and the man in the street. Here the generic interpretation arises indirectly:if a man is known by the company he keeps,then so, by implication, is a woman.For this reasonthe generic interpretation of these uses ofman is not possible where the applicability of the predicate varies according to the sex of the individual. Thus it would be inappropriate to say thatMen are the only animals that can conceive at any time, since the sentence literally asserts that the ability to conceive applies to male human beings.This usage presumes that males can be taken as representatives of the species.In almost all cases,however, the wordsperson and people can be substituted for man and men, often with a gain in clarity. · By contrast,man functions more as a generic when it is used without an article in the singular to refer to the human race, as in sentences likeThe capacity for language is unique to man or in phrases like man's inhumanity to man. But this use ofman is also ambiguous, since it can refer exclusively to male members of the human race.In most contexts wordssuch ashumanity or humankind will convey the generic sense of this use of man. · On the whole,the Usage Panel accepts the generic use ofman, the women members significantly less than the men. The sentenceIf early man suffered from a lack of information, modern man is tyrannized by an excess of it was acceptable to 81 percent of the Panel (including 58 percent of the women and 92 percent of the men).The Panel also accepted compound words derived from genericman. The sentenceThe Great Wall is the only man-made structure visible from space was acceptable to 86 percent (including 76 percent of the women and 91 percent of the men).The sentence"The history of language is the history of mankind" (James Bradstreet Greenough and George Lyman Kittredge) was acceptable to 76 percent (including 63 percent of the women and 82 percent of the men). Such compounds were acceptable even when the context required that they be applied chiefly to women.Thus, 66 percent of the Panel (including 57 percent of the women and 71 percent of the men) accepts the wordmanpower in the sentence Countries that do not permit women to participate in the work force are at a disadvantage in competing with those that do avail themselves of that extra source of manpower. · A related set of problems is raised by the use ofman in forming the names of occupational and social rolessuch asbusinessman, chairman, spokesman, layman, and freshman, as well as in analogous formationssuch asunsportsmanlike and showmanship. Some condemn this use categorically;however, these words remained acceptable to a majority of the Usage Panel when they were used to refer to a role or class in the abstractbut were rejected when they were used to refer to a woman.Thus the general use ofchairman was acceptable to 67 percent of the Panel (including 52 percent of the women and 76 percent of the men) in the sentence The chairman will be appointed by the Faculty Senate. But only 48 percent (including 43 percent of the women and 50 percent of the men) accepted the use of the word inEmily Owen, chairman of the Mayor's Task Force, issued a statement assuring residents that their views would be solicited, where it is applied to a woman. · Several strategies have been suggested for replacing the categorical use of compounds formed withman. Parallel terms likebusinesswoman, spokeswoman and chairwoman are increasingly used to refer to women. Also in use are common-gender terms coined withperson, such asbusinessperson, spokesperson, and chairperson. For occupational titles ending inman, new standards of official usage have been established by the U.S. Department of Labor and other government agencies.In official contexts termssuch asfirefighter and police officer are now generally used in place of fireman and policeman. · A majority of the Panelists rejected the verbman when it was used to refer to an activity performed by women. The sentenceMembers of the League of Women Voters will be manning the registration desk was unacceptable to 56 percent of the Panel (including 61 percent of the women and 54 percent of the men). See Usage Note at -ess ,people 传统上,man 以及它的衍生字一般是用来指任何人或整个人类, 不考虑性别。在古英语中,这就是man 这个字主要的意思, 即“人” 而不分性别;单词wer 和 wyf (或 woepman 和 wifman )则分别用以指“男人”和“女人”。 但在中古英语时man 取代了 wer 这个词, 也具有“男人”的意义了;而wyfman (这个字发展演变成了今天的 woman 这个字)作为“女人”这个意思被保留了下来。 这些变化的结果是,作为性别歧视者所批评的匀称排列。为此,许多作家相应地修订了他们部分的创作活动。但是这用法的准确含义取决于它的上下文以及man 的具体用途或它的衍生字。 当man 这个字被当作一个可数名词来用时,它有时似乎具有“一个人”或“人们”的意思, 如在被他所在的那个公司熟悉了解的人 和 很久以来,人们都期盼着解开原子的秘密 , 以及如下短语中普通的人 和 街上的人 。 这里,一般的理解源于间接地推理:如果一个男人是被他所在的公司了解的话,其言下之意是,一个女人也是被他所在的公司熟悉了解的。正是这个原因,使得man 当此一般理解之义用时,其谓语随着个人性别的改变而变化是不可能的。 所以,说人是唯一能在任何时候思考的动物 是不适当的, 因为这句话字面之义是指男人的思考能力。这种用法是假定男人可以作为人类的代表。几乎毫无例外的是,词person 和 people 可以用 man 和 men 来取代,且后两字意思更清楚。 相反,当man 以单数不带冠词出现用以指人类时,它更是指一类、一属, 如在象句子只有人才有语言能力 或象短语 人类对人类的不人道 中。 但man 若以这种形式出现,其意思也会模糊不清, 因为其可只指人类中的男性成员。在大多数的行文中,例如humanity 或 humankind 这样的字也传达了 man 这种用法的一般意义。 总的说来,在用法专题使用小组成员中接受man 这种一般用法的女性比男性明显少得多。 下面这句话如果说古代人受信息不足之苦的话,那么现代人则是受信息过量之虐待了 在小组中有81的成员可接受 (其中女性成员中的接受率为58,男性中则为92)。专题小组会还接受作为一般意义的man 构成的复合词。 长城是太空中的唯一可见的人造物 这句话有86的成员接受 (其中女性成员的接受率为76,而男性中为91)。“语言史就是一部人类史” (詹姆士·布拉斯瑞特·格里诺和乔治·莱曼·基特里奇)这句话的接受率为76(基中在女性成员中有63接受,而男性中为82)。 即使是上下行文所需的字主要指的是女人,这种复合词仍然被接受。因此小组中的66(其中女性委员的57,男性的71)接受了manpower 这个词在下句的用法: 那些不允许女人加入生产力大军的国家和那些允许女人加入生产力大军的国家相比,在处理剩余劳动力这一点上明显处于竞争的劣势 。 由于man 的使用所引起的一系列相关问题产生了, 在构成职业或社会角色类别的名称,如商人、主席、发言人、外行 和 渔夫 , 以及将这个字用于类似的构词法中,如违反运动精神的 和 善于表演的才能 。 有些人谴责这种类别的用法;然而,当它们抽象地指某种角色或阶层时,这些词仍能得到用法专题使用小组大多数人的接受;但当它们用由于指女性时,这些词就被拒绝了。因此在句子主席由职工委员会指定 中 主席 的这种一般用法就得到了67小组成员的接受(其中在女性成员中为52,而男性中为76)。 但是,在句子艾米莉·欧文,市长任务小组的主席,发表了一个声明,向市长保证将考虑他们的观点 中这个字的用法,由于是指女性,只有48的成员接受(其中在女性成员中的接受率为43,而男性中为50)。 对于如何替换用man 构成的类别复合词,几种构思被提了出来。 与之相对的复合词如女商人、女发言人 和 女主席 越来越多地被用来指女性。 另外,用person 构成的中性词也创造了出来, 如商人、发言人 和 主席 。 对于用man 结尾的职业名称, 美国政府劳工部和其它政府机构已建立起了新的官方运用标准。在官方行文,现在一般用如firefighter 和 police officer 代替 fireman 和 policeman 。 大多数的小组成员反对将动词man 用于指那些女性从事的活动。 句子登记处将配备女性选民联盟的成员 在用法专题使用小组中的反对率是56(其中在女性成员中的反对率是61,而男性中为54) 参见 -ess,people〔person〕Any of three groups of pronoun forms with corresponding verb inflections that distinguish the speaker (first person), the individual addressed (second person), and the individual or thing spoken of (third person).人称:指关系到谓语动词变化的三类人称形式,用以区别说话人(第一人称)、与之交谈的人(第二人称)和提及的人或东西(第三人称)〔invert〕invert the subject and predicate of a sentence.颠倒主句的主语和谓语〔that〕Used to introduce a noun clause that is usually the subject or object of a verb or a predicate nominative:用以导出名词从句:引导作为动词或谓语主格的主语或宾语的名词性从句: |
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